The Birth of Modern Politics Andrew Jackson John Quincy Adams and the Election of 1828 (Audible Audio Edition) Lynn Hudson Parson Milton Bagby Audible Studios Books
Download As PDF : The Birth of Modern Politics Andrew Jackson John Quincy Adams and the Election of 1828 (Audible Audio Edition) Lynn Hudson Parson Milton Bagby Audible Studios Books
The 1828 presidential election, which pitted Major General Andrew Jackson against incumbent John Quincy Adams, has long been hailed as a watershed moment in American political history. It was the contest in which an unlettered, hot-tempered southwestern frontiersman, trumpeted by his supporters as a genuine man of the people, soundly defeated a New England "aristocrat" whose education and political resume were as impressive as any ever seen in American public life. It was, many historians have argued, the country's first truly democratic presidential election.
Lynn Hudson Parsons argues that it also established a pattern in which two nationally organized political parties would vie for power in virtually every state. During the election of 1828 voters were introduced to a host of novel campaign tactics, including coordinated media, get-out-the-vote efforts, fund-raising, organized rallies, opinion polling, campaign paraphernalia, ethnic voting blocs, "opposition research," and smear tactics.
In The Birth of Modern Politics, Parsons shows that the Adams-Jackson contest began a national debate that is eerily contemporary, pitting those whose cultural, social, and economic values were rooted in community action for the common good against those who believed the common good was best served by giving individuals as much freedom as possible to promote their own interests. It offers fresh and illuminating portraits of both Adams and Jackson and reveals how, despite their vastly different backgrounds, they had started out with many of the same values, admired one another, and had often been allies in common causes. Both were staunch nationalists, and both shared an aversion to organized parties and "electioneering."But by 1828, caught up in a shifting political landscape, they were plunged into a competition that separated them decisively from the Founding Fathers' era and ushered in a style of politics that is still with us today.
The "Pivotal Moments in American History" series seeks to unite the old and the new history, combining the insights and techniques of recent historiography with the power of traditional narrative. Each title has a strong narrative arc with drama, irony, suspense, and - most importantly - great characters who embody the human dimension of historical events. The general editors of "Pivotal Moments" are not just historians; they are popular writers themselves, and, in two cases, Pulitzer Prize winners David Hackett Fischer, James M. McPherson, and David Greenberg. We hope you like your American History served up with verve, wit, and an eye for the telling detail!
The Birth of Modern Politics Andrew Jackson John Quincy Adams and the Election of 1828 (Audible Audio Edition) Lynn Hudson Parson Milton Bagby Audible Studios Books
"One of the earliest letters we have of John Quincy Adams was written at the age of nine to his father, asking for advice and a notebook. The earliest letter we have of Andrew Jackson, written at the age of twenty-one, challenges a man to a duel.""The two parties whose outlines began to form around Adams and Jackson in 1828 began a dialogue that in many respects continues today."
"The Election of 1828" is based upon the belief that it analyzes the first "modern" U.S. Presidential election, with competing political parties, ad hominem attacks and aggressive campaigning, and fund-raising, campaign rallies, and campaign stops. The two participants -- Northerner Adams, son of the second President and a formidable public servant himself, against southerner Jackson, a plain-spoken rough-and-tumble military hero -- were a complete mismatch, and even though they were both nominally Republicans, had little in common either personally or politically.
By the parlance of today's time, Adams would be considered a big-government progressive who under-utilized his powers of office during his lone term (not completely dissimilar to Barack Obama), while Jackson would be an avowedly small-government conservative who would aggressively expand his powers in office in order to carry out his policies. This certainly has resonance today -- it did when I first read this book back in 2014, and is even more resonant today in 2018. Adams was one of the last of the original Federalists (the party of Alexander Hamilton, and the one implicitly claiming George Washington himself), while Jackson, whose campaign was orchestrated by Martin Van Buren (the Lee Atwater or Karl Rove of his day) ran on anti-Federalist themes that make him a forerunner to the modern Republican party. The terms "Federalist" and "anti-Federalist" have very inverted meanings today, with the current "Federalist Society" and its advocates espousing a strictly anti-Federalist agenda, as Jackson and Van Buren would have understood them in 1828.
Obviously the reader of this book knows the outcome of the election in advance -- Adams loses badly, although he obtains a modicum of revenge by returning to Congress and serving there for another almost two decades; Jackson serves two tumultuous terms, leaving his successor Van Buren with an untenable one-term Presidency, and now has a much-debated historical legacy. The excitement then lies not in the result, but in how well the goings-on in 1828 match up with modern times. The author here milks all this material for a fairly short book, spending half the material on the run-up, and the other half of the book on the campaign, the election results, and the aftermath, but there's still a lot to interest the reader.
While there are longer and more magisterial tomes out there now on both Quincy Adams and on Jackson, "The Election of 1828" is a very good introduction to the two men, and a good overview as to the state of American politics in the first election after the deaths of Adams the first, and Thomas Jefferson. Things are not so different today.
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The Birth of Modern Politics Andrew Jackson John Quincy Adams and the Election of 1828 (Audible Audio Edition) Lynn Hudson Parson Milton Bagby Audible Studios Books Reviews
The Birth of Modern Politics. Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and the Election of 1828 is a historical work that uncannily reflects issues we face today.
The 1828 election between the patrician John Quincy Adams and the backwoodsman Andrew Jackson was a defining moment. For instance political parties, which sputtered during the first years of the republic, were solidified. Even the seeds of a rudimentary kind of polling were planted in 1828.
Four years before, no candidate had enough electoral votes in the 1824 election. John Quincy Adams won through supposed collusion with the speaker of the House of Representatives, Henry Clay; here yet another seed of modern presidential politics was planted conspiracy theory, paranoia, and personal attack.
The rematch of 1828 was mainly about the personal qualifications and fitness for office of each candidate. In other words, it was not about much at all expect demagoguery, misinformation, and sheer rank emotion
Mr. Parsons supports his thesis that the United States presidential election of 1828 definitively marked a transition in American politics. Prior to this election, men became presidents by playing the role of the Mute Tribune. The 1828 election was the first with organized campaigns that featured exaggerated claims about both the favored candidates and their opponents, and this transition has continued for almost two centuries. There are several reasons why this happened at this time
* Rise of political parties
* Transition from candidates being selected by caucus to popular vote
* Western expansion of the nation
Both John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson were born in 1767 and, by most measures, had very impressive resumes before they ran against each other in 1824 and 1828. Which of these two men was the better president? That is slightly outside the scope of the book, but Mr. Parsons points out the strengths and weaknesses of both. Unfortunately, he seems to argue that the steps that each man took to expand the role of the executive branch were beneficial. Mr. Parsons suggests that Abraham Lincoln took the best from Adams and Jackson, but refrains from saying that Lincoln also took the worst. Jackson suspended habeas corpus in New Orleans as Lincoln did during the Civil War.
Mr. Parsons also makes sound arguments that the "Era of Good Feelings" was not so good and the "Corrupt Bargain" was not so corrupt. In the first year of his administration, Republican President Monroe made efforts to reconcile with Federalists, and a Federalist newspaper prematurely gave the positive label to the era thinking that political bickering would be minimized. This rapprochement was very short-lived, and partisan bickering quickly resumed over tariffs, slavery, infrastructure building, and other issues. The presidential election of 1828 featured the two frontrunners from the 1824 election, which was tainted by what contemporaries called a "corrupt bargain." The office of Secretary of State might have been even more prestigious in the early nineteenth century than it is today, as the previous four presidents had used the Secretary of State position as a stepping-stone to the presidency. But Mr. Parsons argues that this label was unwarranted. John Quincy Adams might have been naïve, but not corrupt. Clay approached him to offer his help; Adams did not solicit it. Appointing Clay as Secretary of State might have been naïve, not a quid pro quo issue. So, even though Jacksonians and other opponents denounced Adams for using this appointment to accomplish a political goal, Mr. Parsons argues persuasively that, other than this appointment, Adams avoided offering positions to supporters and terminating opponents to a fault.
One example of negative campaigning was the Jacksonians accusing Adams of putting a billiards table in the White House at taxpayer expense. This was due to an error in reporting such expenses to Congress that was made by Adams' son. The reporting error was quickly corrected (the president had paid for the table out of his own funds), but the Adams campaign did not realize that the correction needed to be publicized. The opponents capitalized on this oversight.
This book contains several surprising revelations. First, history and this book treat Thomas Jefferson with such reverence that it is shocking to read his expression of anti-Semitism on page 171. Another unusual revelation is the exercise habits of Adams, including nude swimming in the Potomac. Also notable is the question of political party labels. If the election of 1828 marks the birth of political parties, one would expect the party names to be better defined. But many sources refer to both candidates as Democratic-Republicans. Some call Adams a National Republican, and Jackson's party is referred to as Democratic or Jacksonian. Mr. Parsons simply refers to both candidates as Republicans.
"One of the earliest letters we have of John Quincy Adams was written at the age of nine to his father, asking for advice and a notebook. The earliest letter we have of Andrew Jackson, written at the age of twenty-one, challenges a man to a duel."
"The two parties whose outlines began to form around Adams and Jackson in 1828 began a dialogue that in many respects continues today."
"The Election of 1828" is based upon the belief that it analyzes the first "modern" U.S. Presidential election, with competing political parties, ad hominem attacks and aggressive campaigning, and fund-raising, campaign rallies, and campaign stops. The two participants -- Northerner Adams, son of the second President and a formidable public servant himself, against southerner Jackson, a plain-spoken rough-and-tumble military hero -- were a complete mismatch, and even though they were both nominally Republicans, had little in common either personally or politically.
By the parlance of today's time, Adams would be considered a big-government progressive who under-utilized his powers of office during his lone term (not completely dissimilar to Barack Obama), while Jackson would be an avowedly small-government conservative who would aggressively expand his powers in office in order to carry out his policies. This certainly has resonance today -- it did when I first read this book back in 2014, and is even more resonant today in 2018. Adams was one of the last of the original Federalists (the party of Alexander Hamilton, and the one implicitly claiming George Washington himself), while Jackson, whose campaign was orchestrated by Martin Van Buren (the Lee Atwater or Karl Rove of his day) ran on anti-Federalist themes that make him a forerunner to the modern Republican party. The terms "Federalist" and "anti-Federalist" have very inverted meanings today, with the current "Federalist Society" and its advocates espousing a strictly anti-Federalist agenda, as Jackson and Van Buren would have understood them in 1828.
Obviously the reader of this book knows the outcome of the election in advance -- Adams loses badly, although he obtains a modicum of revenge by returning to Congress and serving there for another almost two decades; Jackson serves two tumultuous terms, leaving his successor Van Buren with an untenable one-term Presidency, and now has a much-debated historical legacy. The excitement then lies not in the result, but in how well the goings-on in 1828 match up with modern times. The author here milks all this material for a fairly short book, spending half the material on the run-up, and the other half of the book on the campaign, the election results, and the aftermath, but there's still a lot to interest the reader.
While there are longer and more magisterial tomes out there now on both Quincy Adams and on Jackson, "The Election of 1828" is a very good introduction to the two men, and a good overview as to the state of American politics in the first election after the deaths of Adams the first, and Thomas Jefferson. Things are not so different today.
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